Germany - Protector Of Radical Islam

With the current turmoil in the middle-east, and Morsi's Muslim Brotherhood clinging desperately to their new-found power in Egypt, a little history is in order to fully grasp the full picture of what is happening, and why Germany is involving itself with Islam.

The history of modern German colonialism begins with the advent of Bismarck. Although at first preoccupied with the problems of the newly unified German states, he ultimately hastened to satisfy his imperialistic appetite by extending German power abroad. But the Prussian Chancellor's decision to encourage the Reich's penetration of Africa came very late, and Bismarck had to content himself with the residue of the other powers.

The nineteenth century was an age of empire builders, with the scientific and economic might of England and France everywhere expanding. Britain had already occupied Egypt, colonized much of Africa, while France was firmly entrenched in Algeria and Tunisia. Now, with a cautious respect for London, Bismarck attempted to fish in the remaining colonial waters of the African Continent.

With British consent, he managed to establish, in April, 1884, the first German protectorate on the southwestern coast of Africa. Eventually, German East Africa (Tangan-yika), Togoland, and the Cameroons were added to the glory of the Berlin Colonial Office. In 1905, the Reich was eliminated from the arena of colonization by Britain and France, when the latter recognized the establishment of a British protectorate over Egypt, in return for British acknowledgment of a French protectorate over Morocco.

Germany violently protested against this arrangement, and the Kaiser hurriedly departed for Tangier in March of 1905, where he asserted his nation's support for the independence of Morocco. Thus, by championing the cause of a Muslim people, Germany began to forge the chains between herself and the world of Islam.
Germany finally acquiesced to French aspirations in Morocco in exchange for a small portion of Equatorial Africa.

The Moroccan dispute, however, signaled the end to any further German acquisitions on the African continent. Subsequently, the Reich could only step aside and jealously watch the spoils of empire enhance the economic wealth and political prestige of her Western competitors.

After only thirty years of colonization from 1884 to 1914, the Germans' imprint and influence in the sections of Africa which they had administered, is still remembered.
Although they have been officially gone from these regions for many years, the older natives still recalled right up through the 20th century, the brief period of tutelage under their former rulers, and did not conceal their respect for the harsh, authoritarian character of the Germans.

The growing scientific and military might of the Reich, however, required still more room for expansion—far beyond the restricted national frontiers of central Europe and her comparatively insignificant African colonies. She was astir with aggressive economic power and productivity
which needed new markets. But the door to further penetration in Africa had been closed by Britain and France. And so the Kaiser inevitably cast his eyes toward the fertile crescent and the Middle East as potential spheres of influence—areas rich in markets, oil, and raw materials.

In order to fulfil this aspiration, the imagination of the German political leaders was fired with the idea of constructing a railroad to the East - Berlin to Baghdad. The central point between the heart of Germany and the remote interior of Mesopotamia was Constantinople, the capital of the Ottoman Empire. At a time when the apathetic ruler of the Turks was making a belated, almost desperate effort to reform, the Germans were irresistibly drawn to this imperial seat of Muslim empire.

 

The Teutonic "superman" instinctively sensed that the Turkish Caliphate would be his natural ally.
By the turn of the century, the destinies of both countries were inextricably linked. In 1898, Kaiser Wilhelm II vowed Germany's eternal friendship for the Muslim world as he stood with Turkish leaders before the tomb of Saladin the Great in Damascus.

During the years leading to the First World War, Berlin assumed more and more this role of "Protector of the Arabs" and "Savior of Islam," a role which she has never relinquished. Even after the outbreak of war, with the encouragement of his German ally, the Ottoman Sultan-Caliph Muhammad Rashed invoked his subjects to rise in a jihad against the Western infidels.

When the conflict brought unprecedented disaster to both nations in 1918 and the same judgment was passed upon both peoples, it was the German, more than the Turk, who remained true to his ideal. Although the Reich's ambitions had been thwarted through her defeat and her African colonies had been lost, it did not at all destroy her ingrained militaristic nationalism or diminish her future
lust for expansion.

Meanwhile, at the supreme moment when Kaiser Germany and Muslim Turkey lay prostrate in defeat awaiting their punishment, Britain, France, and Russia proceeded to carve up for themselves the remnants of the vast Ottoman Empire with its rich Arab hinterland, according to the terms of the secret Sykes-Picot Agreement negotiated between them as early as 1915 while the Great War was still in progress. As soon as this proposed plan for dividing up the Arab world was publicized, any trust which the lands of Islam may have placed in the Allied powers was forever dispelled.

 

True, England especially had encouraged the Arabs to revolt against Turkish rule, yet it was unthinkable that a new sovereignty should be imposed on them by a European power.
In vain did the delegation of Egyptian nationalist leaders strive to voice their grievances at the Versailles Conference of 1919, demanding that their cause be heard and that justice be rendered to Egyptian national aspirations for independence, in accordance with President Wilson's Fourteen Point Program. They were rebuffed, along with all the other Muslim leaders who had arrived in Paris to
plead their respective cases. A British protectorate over the land of the Pharaohs was included in the peace treaty, and the Egyptians were informed, in no uncertain terms, that the matter was officially closed.

The repercussions throughout Egypt and Islam were instantaneous, with much help from German agitation. This was regarded, in the eyes of every Muslim, as a most sinister act of betrayal. The significance of this stab-in-the-back by the victorious European powers was clearly enunciated in a formal warning of vengeance by the Egyptian leaders in Paris in the Egyptian White Book of 1919. It is a grim reminder that Islam never forgets:

"We have knocked at door after door, but have received no answer. In spite of the definitive pledges given by the statesmen at the head of the nations which won the war, to the effect that their victory would mean the triumph of right over might and the establishment of the principle of self-determination for small nations, the British protectorate over Egypt was written into the Treaties of Versailles and Saint-Germain without the people of Egypt being consulted as to their political status.
This crime against our nation, a breach of good faith on the part of the powers who have declared that they are forming in the same Treaty a Society of Nations, will not be consummated without a solemn warning that the people of Egypt consider the decision taken at Paris null and void. If our voice is not heard, it will be only because the blood already shed has not been enough to overthrow the old world-order and give birth to a new one."

 

As sporadic and sanguinary uprisings rocked the Middle East, a fanatical hatred for Christian imperialism burned within the breast of every Muslim. Without realizing it at the time, the Occidental powers had prepared a fertile breeding ground for the new Communist propaganda which lost no time in fanning the flames of anti-Western feeling, not only in the Middle East but throughout the restless,
awakening Orient.

If the Versailles Treaty had spelled calamity for Egypt and the Arab world, its effect upon Germany was quite different. The far-flung territories of the Turkish Empire had been reshuffled and refashioned to form new states and spheres of influence, but a defeated Germany had been left
more or less geographically intact. As later events were to prove, the so-called harshness of this treaty was shrewdly exaggerated by German statesmen and politicians during the Weimar era of 1919-1932, in order to speedily resurrect their nation by appealing to the sympathy of the Western powers.

The Allied occupation of Germany was of short duration, and German reparations were reduced to a meaningless figure when weighed against the generous and unrepaid loans she received from both Britain and the United States. Only fourteen years elapsed before Hitler arrived upon the scene, prepared for another onslaught against the world.

 

In spite of the practical results effected by the Treaty, Versailles became the living symbol of perfidy to Germany, Egypt, and all Islam, welding them together for posterity in an indissoluble bond of trust and lasting friendship.
Germany continued to be the "Savior of Islam."

Through the generosity of her former enemies, she rapidly rose from the ashes of defeat, again to assert her role as a great power. Between the two world wars, the old drive eastward was renewed, and German agents, technicians, and businessmen were soon re-established in the Middle East.

Once more, the Germans had been irrevocably drawn to Islam. The outbreak of hostilities in 1939 found Germany militarily prepared to resume her historic drive to the East.
The mission of finally uniting the cradle of Islam with the glory of the Third Reich fell to Rommel's "Afrika Korps."

In 1942, during the early stages of the desert campaign, the situation of the Allies was pregnant with impending disaster. From within, it soon became obvious that Egypt and the Arab Middle East were secretly plotting to betray the democracies and welcome the Germans.
In every country they controlled, the British swiftly rounded up all the pro-Axis political trouble-makers and exiled them, including Haj Amin al-Husseini, the ex-Grand Mufti of Jerusalem, and Rachid Ali Gailani, who had organized the unsuccessful Iraqi coup d'etat in 1941.

 

The exiles fled to Turkey and finally took refuge in Berlin, where they worked hand in hand with the Germans for the remainder of the war.
In Egypt, events took a similar course. The Egyptian Premier, Aly Maher Pasha, who had been entrusted with British defense plans for the country, was quick to deliver them to an Italian intelligence officer.

 

Confronted with the alarming prospect of an Egyptian betrayal, as they had been in 1914 when they were forced to depose the pro-Turkish Khedive Abbas Hilmi and declare Egypt a protectorate of the empire, the British, as if time had stood still for twenty-eight years, repeated the identical operation. Surrounding Abdine Palace with troops and tanks, they compelled King Farouk to replace the pro-
German Aly Maher with Mustapha Nahas, the leader of the Wafd. At least, the possibility of Egyptian interference had now been lessened, and the British could devote their full attention to Rommel's advancing "Afrika Korps."

This desperate British maneuver to save Egypt and the Suez Canal from German conquest was regarded by the young Egyptian Army officers as an unforgivable act of treachery. The blow to their national pride served to inspire the underground formation of Nasser's "Free Officers' Movement," and to strengthen their determination not only to avenge this humiliating action, but to further sab-
otage Britain's already precarious position.

As the onrushing tide of German armored columns lapped at the gates of Alexandria, the young group of Egyptian officers conceived their daring plan. Rommel was already at El Alamein, poised for the thrust which would deliver Egypt to the Germans and pave the way to hoisting the swastika over Suez and the Middle East. Their wild scheme, interestingly enough, was to be executed by Wing
Commander Hassan Ibrahim, and Lieutenant Colonel Anwar al-Sadat, two of the most important members of Nasser's military junta who later ruled Egypt. The third participant was General Aziz al-Masri, who later became the regime's first ambassador to Moscow.

The mission was a daring one, and its purpose was to furnish the Germans with secret information on British strategy and troop movements. Hassan Ibrahim provided his personal plane, and Anwar al-Sadat, together with General al-Masri, were to fly over the German lines and establish contact with them. But British Military Intelligence were on the alert. General al-Masri never got very far, and
Anwar al-Sadat was intercepted as he attempted to carry out his part of the plan. This experience, however, has never been forgotten.

Ten years later, on July 24, 1952, the day after the Revolution, Wing Commander Ibrahim, writing in the influential Cairo daily, Al-Ahram, recounted the story of this
audacious undertaking:
"In 1942, the Germans were at Alamein. We decided to send
them an officer to offer them our assistance in the form of in-
formation on the British forces. ... I was then the Comman-
dant of the Director of Civil Aviation of Cairo, which allowed
me to give my private plane to our emissary. We decided that
our communications with the Germans would take the form of
secret missions effected by a transmission officer, Anwar al-Sadat."

Rommel's objective had been the Suez Canal and the oil-rich Middle East. At the Battle of El Alamein, scarcely seventy miles from Alexandria, General Montgomery had obliterated that aspiration, as everyone believed, forever.

For the second time in twenty-five years, Britain had prevented Germany from reaching the strategic waterway and the Middle East.
But had El Alamein actually been the decisive blow to the constant, almost mystical German longing for union with the lands of Islam?
As if the eighteen years had never been, by 1960 the invincible German Drang nach Osten, in the full vigor of its post-war renaissance, once again flourished in the Valley of the Nile and the lands of the fertile crescent. Perhaps the almost forgotten rows of orderly white crosses in the British and Commonwealth Cemetery at El Alamein, surrounded by the scorched and swirling sands of the Western desert, are but a mirage. Could that glorious battle have been a pyrrhic victory, a temporary armistice, while Germany patiently waited to undermine Britain's declining influence and power?

For by 1960, the ghost of the "Afrika Korps," renewed and resolute, had at last attained its objective.

 

Following the course of the Nile at a point in the geographical center of Egypt, where the city of Assiut is situated, there originates a range of uneven, reddish brown hills which winds its way southward toward the Valley of the Kings and ultimately to the cataracts of the Nile. Known as the Emerald Hills, these barren recesses still conceal many mysteries of the early Egyptian dynasties,
but they also hid one of the most cleverly guarded secrets of the 1950s Cairo government.

 

Here, dwelling in isolation, were a large number of adventurous Germans, well known for their wartime exploits in Egypt, whose pursuits are neither historical nor archeological. They were an amalgam of ex-Wehrmacht officers, including generals and colonels, majors and captains, and
ex-Gestapo Storm Troopers. Most of them were former Rommel veterans busy clandestinely training thousands of Egyptian recruits for future combat.

Long before the Battle of El Alamein in 1942, the desert had been the traditional landscape of the Islamic world.
By 1960, among the endless sand dunes flanking the Nile Valley, the Egyptian Army trained for its special missions, endeavoring to master the tactics of desert warfare from the experienced brains of Rommel's renowned "Afrika Korps." The living remnant of his wartime staff and panzer divisions had been painstakingly gathered in order to transform the Egyptian Army into a crack, superior fighting force. Eighteen eventful years had passed, and the memory of Rommel's exploits still
haunted the silent battlefields of the Western desert and the minds of Cairo's military leaders.

The defeat of the "Afrika Korps" in 1942 had once again shattered the Pan-Germanic, Pan-Islamic dream, and left the Egyptian Army in a state of despair. Their own hopes of "liberation" had been temporarily dispelled, but the feats of Rommel in the North African campaign emerged in the postwar era as the most romantic of legends. In the Valley of the Nile, the study of Rommel as
a brilliant tactician, and the implementation of his ideas on desert warfare, remained the basis of U.A.R. Army curriculum.

This pro-German cult in Egypt, reaching to the point of hero-worship, increased steadily through the years and erupted in full tide when the military dictatorship seized power in July, 1952.
Before his imprisonment in 1954, General Naguib himself had enunciated the official attitude of the regime toward the Germans:
"They are the only ones in whom we have confidence."
During the course of an interview, he had further elaborated:
"I want you to believe me when I say that I have not changed
the great admiration I have for the Germans. Their efficiency,
their extraordinary gifts as scientists and technicians, and their
loyalty are quite unique. I have been noticing all these qualities
in recent times, watching the work of the German officers and
experts in my Army."

 

At the time of the Revolution, the new government's Minister of Hygiene, Dr. Noureddine Tarraf, openly declared:
"Hitler is the man of my life. The German dictator had been
an ideal leader, who dedicated his life to the realization of his
noble ambition. He never lived for himself, but for Germany and
the German people. I have always wished to live like him."

Dr. Tarraf may never have had the opportunity of living like the Nazi demagogue, but the new generation in Egypt of the 1950s certainly did, since former leaders of the Hitler Youth Movement were training Egyptian youth organizations.

Lieutenant-Colonel Anwar al-Sadat, intimate collaborator and personal friend of Nasser, held identical views, and his admiration for Hitler had not at all changed since his wartime "exploit" at El Alamein.
In November of 1953, in reply to a questionnaire issued by Al-Mussawar, a prominent Egyptian weekly, regarding his appraisal of Hitler's activities eight years after the latter's death, and what advice he would offer the Fuhrer should he return, Colonel al-Sadat asserted:

"Dear Hitler, I welcome you back with all my heart. You have
been defeated, but in fact one should regard you as the real
victor. There will be no peace in the world until Germany again
takes first place.
Your principal mistake was in opening too many fronts, but
everything has been forgiven, for you are a shining example of
belief in one's fatherland and people. You are eternal, and we
shall not be surprised if we see you again, or a second Hitler,
back in Germany."

While the new government ministers were singing the praises of Hitler, whom the fascist-Arabs refer to as "Abu Ali," Otto Remer, who had saved the Fuhrer's life in the Generals' plot of 1944, and aspired to succeed him, fled to Egypt from West Germany to evade prosecution after his neo-Nazi party was banned. "The creation of a strong Arab army," wrote Remer in the Nazi publication Der Weg in June, 1953, "is of immediate and direct concern to Germany's patriotic forces which are prepared to offer the services of its best men."

Yet Remer was only one minor element of the central organization in Egypt which inexorably linked the German and Egyptian nations. The very nucleus of German activity in Cairo revolved round a notorious, globe-trotting, former SS Colonel, who was busy extending the network of mounting German influence and penetration throughout the Nile Valley, Africa, and the Middle East.

Colonel Nasser's chief military and geopolitical advisor, intimate foreign collaborator, and confidant, was none other than the full-blooded Nazi, SS Colonel Otto Skorzeny, who was dispatched to Cairo in 1953 upon the advice of his father-in-law, Dr. Hjalmar Schacht, Hitler's former financial wizard, now president of a Dusseldorf bank specializing in the promotion of German-Arab trade.

Skorzeny's reputation as a military expert, daring commando, political master-mind, and leading figure of the Fascist International, spread across four continents. He was one of the key conspirators in an international clandestine organization of exiled Nazis whose chief objective was to keep alive the ideology of National Socialism and to work from abroad for the strengthening and resurrection of a united Germany in its new bid for world power.

 

This sinister network of neo-Nazi intrigue operated from the heart of the German colony in Madrid, and its activities and contacts extended to Dublin, Rome, Bonn, Berlin, Communist East Germany, the Soviet bloc, Asia, Africa, the Caribbean, as well as North and South America.

 

On May 28, 1959, Skorzeny, en route to Ireland, was refused permission to land in England by British immigration authorities at London airport. He continued on to Dublin, which by then had replaced Madrid as his principal base of operations, and purchased a large farm outside the Irish capital. From there, he was in constant contact with Bonn and Cairo.

Skorzeny first achieved prominence as the liberator of Mussolini through the most audacious exploits. His achievements thereafter reached such fantastic heights that he became a legendary figure.

By 1960 Skorzeny, with the unlimited support and encouragement of the Egyptian military regime, worked inconspicuously under the facade of a respectable import-export firm in Cairo. But his products were of a very special kind. He did not trouble himself with the ordinary trifles of Parisian perfumes or full-fashioned nylon stockings.

For the exclusive use of the U.A.R. Army, he imported any brand of unemployed ex-Wehrmacht soldiers, offering them infinite scope for their professional skills.
Qualifications for these positions were simple but unique: a strong faith in the Nazi ideology; a passionate prejudice against anything American, British, French, or Israeli; and an unequivocal acceptance of Gamal Abdel Nasser as the new Egyptian Fuhrer and aspiring Fuhrer of the entire Muslim world. Military prowess, of course, was a primary requirement.

Another of his major activities was the arms traffic, and his contacts and agents were world-wide, even extending behind the Iron Curtain. One of his outstanding maneuvers admirably displayed his unsurpassed talent for international intrigue.

Always available to stir up trouble for the West, Skorzeny personally arranged with General Franco for the sale of $3,500,000 worth of military equipment including shells, mortars, and machine guns to Egypt. This secret transaction was effected through an intermediary company in Switzerland, and the arms were particularly adaptable for hit-and-run attacks.
Yet this was only part of the work of his global network to insure the continuous shipment of armaments to Egypt and the Arab countries.

 

Through Skorzeny's international web of intrigue, former German U-boat officers were hired to help staff and train crews for the new submarines which Nasser received from the Soviet Union.
From the main European headquarters of the Muslim Brotherhood in Frankfurt-am-Main and its branch in Bremen, special recruitment centers had been organized in Hamburg, Munich, and Hanover to guarantee a steady flow of military technicians to the United Arab Republic.
In Leipzig, East Germany, a special employment unit for the same purpose was established with the full knowledge of Moscow.

Through these semi-official channels passed such infamous personalities as SS General Dirlewanger, the liquidator of Poland's Jewish population, universally known as the "Butcher of Warsaw," who became Nasser's special advisor on guerrilla warfare. Accompanying him to the Middle East as military advisor to the Egyptian Army went SS Colonel Adolph Eichmann, who was the intimate collaborator of the Grand Mufti during World War II and the Nazi fanatic responsible for the extermination of all Jews in the areas of German occupation. From the Arab countries, Eichmann eventually moved on to Argentina via Spain.

In Egypt, Skorzeny's primary responsibility was the equipping, organizing, and training of thousands of zealous commandos, who were rigorously prepared in the Emerald Hills for guerrilla and desert warfare to serve as an "Army of Liberation" against Israel. At regular intervals, bands of F.L.N terrorists were also trained for operations against the French in Algeria.

Working in key positions with the Algerian Rebel Government in Cairo were four fanatical exiled Nazis who assumed Arab names. SS Sturmfuhrer Baumann, known as Ali ben Khader, who was Einsatzkommando in the unit which tortured women and children in the Warsaw Ghetto; Willi Berner, then Ben Kashir, a former SA Fuhrer and a guard in the Mauthausen Concentration Camp; Karl Luder, then Abdel Kader, a former Hitler youth leader in Danzig and a commando who served in a number of concentration camps; and Dr. Erich Alten, then Ali Bella, who played a major role in the assassination of Professor Theodor Lessing at Carlsbad in 1934, and who was Gestapo "Commissar for Jews" in Galicia during the war.

As a double insurance against another defeat by the Israeli Army, the Nasser regime formed an Arab Foreign Legion to fight against the Jewish state. Its nucleus consisted of 400 former Nazis and Gestapo veterans, who were recruited by Arab League agents in Germany.

Adami's career was by no means been a dull one, or lacking in adventure. In the days of the Weimar Republic, he was a member of the extreme right-wing organization called the "Scharnhorst Free Corps," which participated in the Kapp Putsch of 1920. During the last war, he was a Gestapo Storm Trooper and served in Poland with the Dirlewanger Extermination Brigade. He was active in Otto Remer's outlawed Reichspartei, and for a time earned his livelihood by selling pornographic photographs and anti-Semitic publications.

In 1957, he was hired by Arab agents to sign up volunteers for the Arab Legion from the many SS veterans' organizations. For every recruit he sent on to Cairo, he was paid commissions ranging from $500 to $750.
Colonel Nasser himself was the supreme authority over all Commando units and the Arab Foreign Legion while Skorzeny was responsible for the human consignments of German military experts, armament technicians, and espionage agents in quest of adventure, self-expression, and a greater Germany.

Those applicants selected for special assignments as agents were merely required to have enough knowledge of political intrigue to sense the growing importance of Egypt in Germany's master plan and new bid for world leadership. For export, Skorzeny offered an unusual assortment of psychological warfare, subversive propaganda, political conspiracy, up-to-date information on arranging the perfect coup d'etat, and a natural genius for cynical Real-politik.

Skorzeny took an active though clandestine role in most of the controversial political events in the Middle East. Every alert Middle East media correspondent of the era, knew that it was he who engineered the operation in 1955 which brought Shukri el-Kuwatly back to Damascus from Cairo and installed him as president of Syria. Thus the way was prepared for the Syrian-Egyptian anschluss, creating the United Arab Republic in February, 1958.

The Syrian armed forces of the U.A.R. were reorganized and advised by a military mission headed by
ex-Wehrmacht Colonels Rainer Kriebel and Heinz Heigel.

The elite of Germany's military skill had all been imported through Skorzeny's "underground railroad" and with the unofficial approval of the Bonn Government. The original military advisory group in the country had been headed by former SS Lieutenant General Wilhelm Farmbacher and his assistant, Panzer Major General Oskar Munzel. Major Mertins was the specialist who had organized
the Egyptian Parachute Corps.

By 1960 Nasser's State Security Cadre (SSC), formed along the lines of Hitler's Schutz Staffen (SS), was an internal Gestapo-like force of 70,000 men, whose officers were mostly Arabized Nazis with headquarters in Cairo's Liberation Square. They were under the direction of Lieutenant Colonel Al-Nasher, whose real identity was Leopold Gleim, chief of Hitler's personal guard and Gestapo Security Chief of German-occupied Poland, who was sentenced to death for war atrocities.

Also within the Cairo administrative hierarchy was an Advisor on Special Activities, Joachim Daemling, former Chief of the Gestapo in Dusseldorf. He was responsible for the efficient organization of the Egyptian Secret Police and especially for the establishment of concentration camps at El-Kanater and Abu-Sabal, near Cairo; at Maharik in Upper Egypt; at Qena, in the vicinity of the Ptolemaic Temple of Denderah; at El-Kharga, deep in the Western desert; and at Samara, about 135 miles southwest of Alexandria, which had been patterned on photocopies of the infamous German extermination camp of Dachau.

The entire camp network was under the medical supervision of two special Nazi experts: Dr. Hans Eisele, chief physician at Buchenwald concentration camp; and SS Hauptstabsarzt Heinrich Willermann, known as Lieutenant Colonel Naim Fahum, former medical director at Dachau.

The Egyptian Security Police, in charge of the nation's prisons, was headed by Colonel Ben Salem, alias SS Fiihrer Bernhardt Bender. Chief of the Intelligence Service of the Wehrmacht Security Division in the Ukraine during the war, Bender organized all Egyptian prisons along Gestapo lines.
Colonel Hassan Suleiman, who in reality was the Sudeten German SS Gruppenfuhrer Moser, together with his assistant, SS Gruppenfuhrer Buble, known as Lieutenant Colonel Amman, ws in charge of training Egyptian youth along the lines of the Hitler Jugend.

Behind the abrupt dismissal of British General Glubb Pasha by the Jordanian monarch on March 1, 1956, were the SS specialists in Cairo. The startling facts surrounding this event are known by American and British Intelligence, but remain a well-kept secret.
At first, neither Britain nor America saw any cause for alarm over the activities of these "German specialists."
Nevertheless, on May 11, 1953, Sir Winston Churchill brought up the subject in the House of Commons and stated that the Egyptian Army "was being aided and trained by Nazi instructors and staff officers in unusual numbers."
He subsequently discussed the matter with German Chancellor Adenauer, who disclaimed any responsibility and merely promised to institute an investigation.

Only the French, with their Cartesian sense of realism, thought that the presence of so many Germans in the Nile Valley was an ominous sign and could not be taken lightly nor easily explained. Devoid of illusion, they rightly concluded that the Germans were in Egypt for the express purpose of re-establishing their power and influence in the Middle East at the expense of the United States, Britain,
and France.
As the 1960s got under way, Germany and Egypt continued to abound with renewed industrial activity. In many ways, Egypt resembled a German military outpost, as more and more technicians, salesmen, experts, material, and unlimited capital poured into the Valley of the Nile.

The economic and technical expert of German specialists, Dr. Wilhelm Voss, former Nazi director of the Skoda arms factory in Czechoslovakia and the Hermann Goering Steel Mills, was the real architect of the U.A.R. economy.
Plans were advanced for the construction of armament factories in Egypt and the Sudan as joint enterprises of the Nasser regime and the Ruhr industrial giant, Alfred Krupp, with the full encouragement of the Bonn Government.

Skorzeny's political and economic web of intrigue thus carried Egypt to the heart of the Ruhr Valley and deposited her on the threshold of Germany's war-making potential. Together with Dr. Voss, Skorzeny channeled a great deal of the profitable Egyptian trade through the Dusseldorf firm of H. S. Lucht, an import-export house owned and directed by Werner Naumann, former Secretary of State in the dreaded Gestapo Ministry of Heinrich Himmler.

Most of the financial dealings of Naumann's firm passed through Dr. Schacht's bank in Dusseldorf, whose Nazi economic theories, carried on by Dr. Voss and imposed by Nasser, were adopted as the foundation for the U.A.R "state economy."

In 1953, when neo-Nazi activities in Germany were already well advanced and had become too conspicuous, Naumann and seven of his collaborators were arrested by the British occupation authorities for plotting, at home and abroad, with Skorzeny's world-wide network to overthrow the Bonn government and establish a dictatorship. Among the seven arrested conspirators was Dr. Gustav Scheel, former leader of the Nazi Students' League, and also the close friend of the Grand Mufti.

 

Dr. Scheel had introduced Haj Amin al-Husseini to Hitler, and later smuggled him out of occupied Germany into Switzerland. The Naumann scandal greatly irritated Dr. Adenauer's government, which tried to minimize the significance of the sensational expose. They had the effrontery to accuse the British of meddling in Germany's internal affairs!

The evidence of British Intelligence was so conclusive (several shipping containers full) however, that Thomas Dehler, then Bonn Minister of Justice, belatedly announced, four months after the arrests:"The Naumann Circle represented one of the greatest dangers
to Germany. Its aim was to seize power after the forthcoming
election, which was supposed to be the last consultation of a free
people."

It was also the shrewd hand of Dr. Voss behind the scenes, which drew up the detailed plans stressing the advantages to be gained by Egypt in obtaining Communist arms. On October 26, 1955, the well-informed German news magazine, Der Spiegel, reported that Voss "initiated the big armament deal with the Czech agents—Prantel, Nohinec, and Rostrum—who operated behind the facade of refugees, but who in reality were Communist agents."

Regardless of time, circumstance, and changing methods, the extreme right and left continue to work together. One is somehow reminded of Hitler's classic remark to Hermann Rauschning:
"There is no essential difference between the ideals of National Socialism and those of Marxism."

In Cairo, Skorzeny's mission was to firmly ally Egypt and the Muslim world with Germany, and decisively destroy American, British, and French influence in the Middle East and Africa. In short, he and his global underground organization were the unofficial eyes and ears of Bonn's foreign office, and the chief architects of its double-faced diplomacy.

Both Skorzeny and Dr. Voss maintained constant and intimate contact with Chancellor Adenauer's personal advisors, Professor Walter Hallstein, then president of the West European Common Market, and Dr. Herbert Blankenhorn, Bonn's ambassador to Paris. All Cairo buzzed with gossip for weeks in 1954 when Dr. Gunther Pawelke, the official West German ambassador in Egypt, angrily resigned, protesting that more confidence and encouragement were accorded to Voss and Skorzeny by the Adenauer Government than to their own official representatives.

Skorzeny's ultimate aim was to create, in conjunction with Nasser, the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem, the Muslim Brotherhood, and the Arab League, a German-Egyptian dominated third-power bloc and empire stretching from Berlin to Capetown, and from Bonn to New Delhi. The time was not yet ripe, however, to unmask themselves and operate in the open.

 

Nasser and the Grand Mufti threw wide open the influential doors of the Egyptian-dominated Arab League to their German ally. Into the secret cornerstone of the League's policy was lodged a program calling for the fullest cooperation and preference for German commerce and aspirations in the Middle East. The Mufti's admiration for Germany was boundless, and he defined the Germans as "a people with boldness, perseverance, toughness, and a love of order." According to him, "Every Muslim throughout the world is a friend of the Germans."

 

In the fields of political and psychological warfare, vicious anti-Western and anti-Israeli propaganda was unremittingly carried on by the Nasser regime under the direction of Johann von Leers, one of the former high-ranking Nazi propagandists in the Berlin Foreign Ministry. Von Leers, who was considered a specialist on racial questions, was also the author of a great number of anti-Semitic publications.

Later converting to Islam, he assumed the Arabized name of Oman Amin von Leers.
In the May 29, 1953 issue of the neo-Nazi journal, Deutschland-Brief, von Leers violently attacks the Protestant Confessional Church for its opposition to Hitler, and praises the natural affinities between the German and Arab peoples. Advancing the theory that this factor enabled Islam to carry on a successful campaign of conversion in Germany, he predicts that the Germans will eventually turn their backs on Christianity and embrace Islam.

"This," he writes, "is no doubt due to the moving humanitarian reception which hundreds, perhaps thousands of German refugees, found after the war among the Muslims of the Middle East. Islam's simple all-God doctrine which is not tied to Judaism, and its enmity against the Jews, won the allegiance of many of these refugees. The repercussions are gradually being felt in Germany."

 

Von Leers' special activities on behalf of the Egyptian military regime were carefully camouflaged until he was discovered and unmasked in 1956 by William Stevenson of the Toronto Star and Ann Sharpley of the London Evening Standard. This sudden, embarrassing exposure prompted Nasser to act quickly, and both correspondents were hastily expelled from the country.

 

Von Leers' job was to draft and coordinate all foreign propaganda for the Cairo government.
Through his office, the contract for the construction of the largest and most powerful radio transmitter in the 1950s Middle East, designed to accelerate Nasser's propaganda campaign
and extend the Afro-Asian range of Radio Cairo, was awarded to a German firm in Mannheim.

Working in collaboration with von Leers was Louis al-Hadsch, alias Louis Heiden, a former chief of the Deutsche Press Agentur. Heiden distributed copies of Kifahi, his Arabic translation of Hitler's Mein Kampf. 911,000 copies were sold in 1956-58 alone. Daniel Perret-Gentil, former Swiss SS Fizhrer, who worked for the Wehrmacht Intelligence Service in France during the war, and who was sentenced to death by Paris authorities in 1948 but expelled in 1955, was French Program Director of Radio Cairo.

Continual contact was maintained between the Cairo propaganda bureaucracy and the many German-Arab organizations which mushroomed in order to strengthen the political, economic, cultural, and religious ties between Germany and the Islamic world.

1n the 1950s and 1960s, no other country could claim to have so many different
organizations grouped for the same over-all purpose. Among them were the German-Arab Society, directed by former Nazi party member Horst Morgenbrod; the Near and Middle East Association with its Nazi adherents in Hamburg and headed by Dr. Ernst Messerschmidt; the German-Arab Association in Bonn; the German-Arab League in Heidelberg; the German Regional Eur-African Center in Bad Godesberg; Dr. Fakoussa's German-Arab Institute in Bonn; the German-Egyptian Society, in Frankfurt, directed by Frau Ursula Beyrich; the Association of Overseas Interests, in Winsdorf; the Society of the Friends of Africa, in Berlin; and the North African Club, of Hamburg and Berlin, whose chief was Hans Peter Rullmann.

Rullmann's organization was known as a beehive of F.L.N activity in Germany. The North African Club, which spread propaganda against French rule in Algeria, was also reputed to be engaged in arms traffic, and actively promoted desertions from the French Foreign Legion.

These collaborations which Germany fostered behind her superficial mask of peace and democracy, were not an innovation but a permanent characteristic of Real-politik. Regardless of passing events, these attributes are changeless. Yet into this witches' brew of interlocking intrigues, emanating from Cairo and Bonn, other seething ingredients were added, bringing the mixture to the verge of a dangerous overflow.

 

The Nazi German infiltrators were not just embedded in post-war West-Germany and the Middle-East, but also the Soviet Union and East-Germany.

 

Ernst Grossmann, who was on the powerful East-German Central Committee of the ruling Socialist Unity Party, was formerly an SS guard at the Sachsenhausen Concentration Camp; Werner Winkler, Minister of Agriculture; Dr. Rubensam, Deputy Minister of Agriculture; Dr. Farchmin, Deputy Minister of Public Health; Dr. Hummeltenberg, Chief of Protocol for the East German Government; Herr Lange, a former Gestapo officer and a high official in the East German Secret Police.

In the Pankow Parliament, Deputy Speaker Homann and forty-seven members were all active in the National Socialist Party. The judiciary in Soviet Germany was infiltrated with former Nazis. The President of the Supreme Court, Kurt Schumann, was a leading jurist of Nazi law. Supreme Court Justice Hetzar was also a prominent Nazi. The official lawyer of the Socialist Unity Party Professor Herbert Kroeger, was an SS Fuhrer. Kurt Blecha, who joined the Nazi party in 1941, was a propaganda specialist working for Herr Ulbricht, together with Horst Andress, who was a personal friend of Goebbels and formerly directed Nazi programs over the German Radio.

While Germany and the Islamic world were strengthening their traditional ties with the East, they deftly manage to extort capital and concessions from the United States by exploiting to the maximum the American fear of Communism. And yet, Communist imperialism itself is an offspring of German Machiavellianism.

It all started in April, 1917, when the German General Staff hastily dispatched Lenin and Trotzky from Switzerland to St. Petersburg through the German lines in a sealed train. Both revolutionaries were armed with the teachings of Karl Marx, and set off for Czarist Russia to foment internal chaos, completely disrupt the Russian war effort, and seize political power by launching the Communist Revolution.

 

Count Brockdorff-Rantzau, the German Ambassador in the Danish capital during WW1, enthusiastically solicited the services of a Dr. Parvus, alias Dr. Helphand, a Bolshevik revolutionary who later turned to successful war profiteering in the Balkans. Like the extraordinary career of Zaharoff, Dr. Helphand's sinister brand of revolutionary activity respected neither national frontiers nor ideologies.
Both Brockdorff-Rantzau and Dr. Helphand, with the full (though clandestine) support of the German Government, methodically began to organize an extensive network of political conspiracy dedicated to one objective: a Communist revolution in Russia.

 

In a secret report to the German Foreign Office during August, 1915, the Ambassador summarized the important work of Dr. Helphand:
"The organization set up by Dr. Parvus in Copenhagen at pres-
ent employs eight people in Copenhagen and about ten people
traveling about inside Russia. The object of the work is to con-
tact various personalities in Russia, since it is essential to co-
ordinate the various movements now emerging. . . . Dr. Parvus
has provided the organization with a sum to cover running ex-
penses. . . .
Hitherto, the whole thing has been so discreetly managed that
not even the gentlemen working in the organization realize that
our (German) government is behind it all."

"Dr. Parvus has heard that Lenin is coming to Stockholm. He
can do little as he lacks funds; Dr. Parvus can support him only
when the existing tension has settled."

By the end of 1915, as the German military position became more precarious on both the eastern and western fronts, Count Brockdorff-Rantzau was pressed to hasten the realization of the revolution in Russia. Reporting to Berlin at the time, he outlined his master plan and simultaneously boasted, in traditional Prussian fashion:
"In victory, and in reward, world supremacy are ours, if Russia
can be revolutionized in time and the coalition thereby broken
up. Dr. Parvus thinks that he can point the way, and makes
positive suggestions, backed by twenty years of experience."

Shortly afterwards, Dr. Helphand reported that the Russian Revolution would cost the German Government approximately twenty million rubles. Without hesitation, on December 26, 1915, the German Ambassador was given the authority by Berlin to make an advance payment of one million rubles. Dr. Helphand's receipt, in signing for the money, is highly illuminating:
"Received from the German Embassy in Copenhagen on the
29th of December, 1915, the sum of one million rubles in Rus-
sian banknotes for the promotion of the revolutionary movement
in Russia.
Dr. A. Helphand"

As events subsequently proved, the Communist Revolution, ruthlessly organized, adequately financed, and offering, on the surface at least, a new revolutionary ideal for the war-weary and oppressed masses of Czarist Russia, succeeded as the Germans had planned and expected.
The archives of the German Foreign Office further reveal that on December 3, 1917, Richard von Kuhlmann, then Minister of Foreign Affairs, had addressed a long telegram to the Kaiser at his Army headquarters. Outlining in broad detail the background of the remarkable aid and encouragement rendered the Communist Revolution by the German Government, it also emphasized the objectives of future German foreign policy that would insure its lasting success:

"The disruption of the Entente and the subsequent creation of
political combinations agreeable to us constitute the most im-
portant war aim of our diplomacy. Russia appeared to be the
weakest link in the enemy's chain. The task therefore was grad-
ually to loosen it and, when possible, to remove it. This was the
purpose of the subversive activity we caused to be carried out in
Russia behind the front—in the first place the promotion of
separatist tendencies and support of the Bolsheviks."

"It was not until the Bolsheviks had received from us a steady
flow of funds through various channels and under varying labels
that they were in a position to be able to build up their main

organ, the Pravda, to conduct energetic propaganda, and appre-
ciably to extend the originally narrow basis of their party.
The Bolsheviks have now come to power; how long they will
retain power cannot yet be foreseen. They need peace in order
to strengthen their own position; on the other hand, it is en-
tirely in our interest that we should exploit the period while
they are in power, which may be a short one, in order to obtain
firstly an armistice and then, if possible, peace."

 

This astonishing political opportunism, rarely equaled in the annals of history, nevertheless fostered in Germany a somewhat paternalistic attitude toward the Communist experiment, since she had been directly responsible for its creation. Consequently, German economic and military cooperation with the Russians was to develop in the future to the mutual benefit of both countries.

 

Hans Kohn in the Christian Science Monitor of September 19, 1955, wrote;

"The new conflict between Communist East and Democratic West,

was directly Hitler's work. Communism
had been contained in Europe by the barrier of inter-
mediary states from Finland to Rumania. Hitler destroyed
this barrier and brought Stalin's rule into Central Europe,
first by his accord with Stalin in 1939 and then by his at-
tack upon Stalin in 1941."

"It is one of the most disturbing factors in present-day
Germany when some Germans reproach the Western pow-
ers for not having sided with Germany against Russia, and
even add that it should have been done in defense of West-
ern civilization. The Germans, and not the West, destroyed
Poland and paved Stalin's road westward. The Germans
were then as much opposed to the West and Western civil-
ization as the Russians were. Through German fault, the
whole of continental Europe, with the exception of the two
small enclaves of Sweden and Switzerland, was early in 1941
under the control of totalitarian powers, hostile to the in-
dividual liberalism, the freedom of thought, and the spirit
of tolerance of the West. . . ."

 

Nasser's Egypt steered a sharp middle course between the Communist East and the Democratic West, shrewdly exploiting to the maximum, together with Germany, the tensions of the cold war, and thereby benefiting from the vast financial, technical, and military resources of both sides.

"Middle East problems are for Middle East peoples to solve," declared Nasser's weekly Akhbar el-Yom of Cairo, in April 1956. "Neither Britain not Russia nor America nor France has the right to solve them. "We want no guardians. We have not authorized anyone to speak for us. We are not defendants being tried in absentia."

No reference was made to Germany.

 

T. H. Tetens, American expert on German-Soviet affairs, wrote;

"In the Middle East, the Germans have won a decisive victory, even if the Western world sees only
the Russians in the headlines. The Germans do not appear to be disturbed by the present Soviet drive in Egypt which they helped to precipitate. It all works toward the deterioration of the Western position in Egypt and secures that country as an operational base for the Germans."

"The Germans will continue to undermine the Western position in the Arab world by a combination of skillfully directed intrigues, by Communist armament shipments, and by widespread propaganda on the Israeli issue. The Germans believe that the day is not far off when the French and the British will be pushed out for good. Countless articles in the West German press testify to the interest in
the regions of Africa and the Middle East. Behind this interest is solid German Realpolitik."

"Once the British and French are out, the American oil companies will also be forced to give up. This will be the day when the Germans move in as 'the friend of the Arabs.' With sixty per cent of the world's oil reserves in their control, with the Arabs as allies, and with Africa as hinterland, the German dream of a Third Power Bloc will come true."

 

The Western concept of free enterprise, drawing its inspiration from individual initiative, brooks little interference by a centralized government that would subordinate the freedom of its economic activities to the control of the state. In our democratic society, private economic enterprise, except during times of emergency, bears little relation to the government's political objectives, apart from
reasonable legislative safeguards. Business is conducted for its own rewards, thereby contributing to the national prosperity at large. And the personal satisfaction which is derived from the creation and completion of a project, along with advancing oneself in life, is considered an ideal end in itself.

But the German mentality and instinct are quite different. The German businessman, during his activities as a representative of his firm abroad, carries on his work not only for its own sake, but also makes it serve toward the aim of realization of a greater Germany and enhancement of the Fatherland and foreign policy. He is well aware of the interdependent relationship of his country's foreign policy, cultural penetration, and expanding world trade.

Such attitudes and behavior are not puzzling when one considers the not-so-obvious fact that the  German Government, despite all outward appearances, is a gigantic financial enterprise in its own right. The Bonn Government of 1960 (the only era for which we have reliable figures) held one billion dollars' worth of stock in more than 3,000 companies. It owned at least seventy per cent of the nation's total aluminum production, fifty per cent of the iron ore output, and thirty per cent of automobile production and shipbuilding. It also controlled twenty per cent of oil production and hard coal mining, and forty-five per cent of all zinc and lead output. Even the regional German states owned approximately 1300,000,000 of nominal capital in 430 firms.

 

The big German enterprises are not truly private enterprises, but doing the bidding of Germany-proper.

 

Inspired by both a commercial and national mission, and concerned less with immediate than with ultimate gains, the German's historic goal in Egypt and the Middle East is to root his economic, military, and cultural influence firmly in the soil of his historic allies.
The German economic drive in Egypt and the Arab world is nothing short of phenomenal.

 

With an imperial eye toward the future, Nasser's Egyptian/ United Arab Republic military regime  organized its "planned Arab economy" along the lines of German "state capitalism."

And much to the shocked surprise of a visiting group of American businessmen exploring investment possibilities in the U.A.R., Colonel Nasser blandly declared on January 26, 1960, that he prefers intergovernmental loans and credits to private capital for the country's development. This is to remove Western Capitalist influence via private enterprise - effectively closing the door to the West.

State control of all individual economic activities was given added impetus when the National Bank of Egypt and Bank Misr were suddenly nationalized in early February of 1960. All major investments in the Nile Valley were made and controlled by the government-owned agency known as the "Economic Development Organization."
In his speech before the Cairo Economic Society, Ludwig Erhard, Germany's economic czar at that time, proudly stated that Egypt was entitled to international aid after having "suffered from imperialists and colonialists."

From 1958 to 1960, the Bonn Government alone granted Cairo a global credit of 550,000,000 marks for the purchase of all types of industrial products: equipment for the expansion of the new Helwan steel mill built by Demag of Duisburg and employing 3,000 Egyptians; material for various public works projects; and all types of machinery and furnishings for the 115 factories which were established during this period.
Cornerstones have already been laid to transform the Nile Valley into the "Ruhr of the Middle East." The firm of Krupp Stahlbau Rheinhausen, manufacturers of heavy industrial equipment, developed the iron ore resources of the Aswan region. The German firm of Hoch-Tief AG completed the Aswan Hydro-Electric Power Station.

 

After receiving long-term credits from the Bonn Government, the Siemens Group undertook the
electrification of the entire Nile Delta area in 1963.

Then there was the efficient work of Dr. Gerhard Kramer and some of his compatriots which contributed to the success of their Kulturpropaganda. While only five Egyptian high schools were holding seven German language classes during 1956 and 1957, in 1959 the figure increased to fifty-nine classes and sixteen high schools. Indeed, the Germans built other schools at an exceedingly rapid rate. In fact, the Bonn Government contributed eleven to fourteen per cent of the total Egyptian national budget for education! Toward the end of 1959, 5,538 Egyptians were studying
abroad, sixty-three per cent of which were studying in Germany.

 

This was happening simultaneously with the aforementioned German military advisors and technicians at work in the Nile Valley. The arrival of this military breed on the contemporary Egyptian scene, wearing the familiar, brown-peaked cap of the "Afrika Korps," and hustling in and out of Abbassia Army Headquarters in their open jeeps, was an anomaly in this perplexing land.
This sudden, rapid influx of German power and competition into the Nile Valley and the Middle East alarmed many Western observers of the time, who were greatly disturbed by the natural ease with which Germany forged ahead in an area riven with factional rivalries and violent anti-Western hatreds.

 

Beneath the surface of German success in the Middle East—a success that is ultimately allied to the execution of a well-organized plan of further penetration and expansion—lie the natural evolving factors of history and national psychology.

 

Drang nach Osten (drive to the East), is as much alive today and as compelling a force as it was in the Kaiser's Reich and in Hitlerian Germany. It is still the route of traditional German self-expression, with Egypt and the Islamic world directly in its path.

 

Germany is still seen today by members of the Muslim Brotherhood and other extreme Islamic groups bent on the idea of a Caliphate, as "Savior of Egypt and Islam," the liberator of the Nile Valley from the "imperialistic" designs of Britain and her American and French allies, and the one symbol of international "virtue" which has never subjected Islam to domination or "colonial exploitation."

 

So pronounced is the German imprint upon the Muslim mind that a number of Pan-Islamic crusaders refer to the creation of an "Arab Reich." In spite of brief, passing parades of democratic governments, a strong, autocratic leader continues to have a magnetic appeal to the German people.
This same basic need for an all-powerful ruler also persists among the Islamic extremists working for a Caliphate.

 

With the Muslim Bortherhood having taken power (for the moment) in Egypt after hijacking the Arab Spring - itself partly agitated by Germany, the reverberations of the new Islamic awakening resound throughout the entire Muslim world. From the depths of Prussian militarism, the rumbling of Deutschland uber Alles again stirs in its constant yearning for self-expression. As the German-allied Brotherhood covets the leadership of all Islam, so does Islamo-Fascism offer itself as a dependable bastion for Germany's own expansionist aspirations.

 

To Germany, willingly and enthusiastically, Egypt opens the gateway to a far-reaching Middle Eastern and African empire. The German dream of becoming a great colonial power in the Middle East and Africa with her own spheres of influence, frustrated by America, Britain, and France for over a century, is becoming a menacing reality!

 

The game is nothing less than a German-run empire stretching through Europe and the Med, with pan-Islam as an ally-empire accross the Middle East and Africa.

 

And so, hopefully readers of this blog who question our comments on Germany's links with Islamic terrorism and the 9/11 Hamburg cell, can see the 'how and why' of German and Islamic cooperation. This is one of the many reasons why the US and UK spy on Germany in a big way.

 

The attacks on 9/11 - planned in Germany, executed mostly by Islamic extremists, was a symbol and outcome of the trust and continued cooperation between Germany and pan-Islamism.

This trust and understanding between Islam and Germany, is part of the reason Yugoslavia was broken up in cahoots with radical Islam, shortly after Germany gained reunification itself. Destroying the final remnants of post-war treaties and geographical borders.